Ideas & Theories of Max Weber | ecsukatelynadams

When Weber was putting forward his ideas regarding bureaucracy he discussed it as "an ideal type" however a common misconception is that by this Weber meant bureaucracy was a desirable ideal when in fact he despaired of how dominant this organisational structure was becoming. The "ideal type" is simply a subjective element in social theory and research which formed from characteristics and elements of the given phenomena, but it is not meant to correspond to all of the characteristics of any one particular case. According to Wilson (1999) "the ideal type of bureaucracy is governed by a formal set of rules and procedures that ensures that operations and activities are carried out in a predictable, uniform and impersonal manner". This comes from the four foundational aspects that according to Weber bureaucracy consist of; functional specialisation (the formal division of labour), hierarchy of authority (the structure that gives those in a superior position authority, simply because they hold that position), system of rules (everything is based upon following a formal set of written rules about practices and procedures) and impersonality (rules are followed without regard for emotions) (Grey, 2009). According to Weber it was these four concepts that meant

Max Weber on Power and Authority - Essay by Emmachuks

Max Weber Power And Authority Essay – 627805 | Equity …

Max weber‟s dissection of authority exposes three ..

Bureaucracy as an ideal type and form of power based on legitimate authority Max Weber was a German social scientist (1864-1920) who was concerned with the question of what held societies together, he came to the conclusion that it was down to authority which allows those who have the right of legitimacy to give orders (Wilson, 1999). Weber questioned what the power of this authority was based on, because in most societies it is not based on force, fear or coercion. This authority previously came about in two main ways; authority based on charisma (the personal authority of a particular individual) or authority based on tradition (the established authority of institutions) (Grey, 2009). However, Weber put forward the idea that these previous types of authority were increasingly being overshadowed by rational-legal authority in modern societies (systems of rules devised for rational reasons). Weber was writing at a time where organisations were growing at a rate not seen before. He was commentating o the transformation that he was directly seeing. The idea of this rationality in society and organisations is not a new one and indeed in Weber's study regarding the rise of capitalism he argued that it owed a considerable amount to the practices of the Calvinist Church which was itself involved in logical calculative thought. This rationalisation can be defined as a process whereby the means chose to pursue ends can be determined by logical and rational calculation (Wilson, 1999). When applied to organisations, this rational-legal authority means bureaucracy.

Essay and Resume: Max Weber Power And Authority Essay …

Bureaucracy (Weber)

Max Weber was a historian that wrote about the emergence of bureaucracyfrom more traditional organizational forms (like feudalism) and it's risingpre-eminance in modern society.

Scott concludes that
– Max Weber was a German philosopher that was known for his claim that ethical and political obligations had no rational foundation.

On Max Weber's Definition of Power ..

But if the belief in progress, considered eudaemonistically, wasstill strong during the first half of the twentieth century, it cannotbe so declared at the present moment. Without much doubt, it seems tome, the idea has fallen upon hard times in this, the second half of thecentury. The doubts, skepticisms, and repudiations of the idea ofprogress during the nineteenth century—those of Alexis de Tocqueville,Burckhardt, Nietzsche, Schopenhauer, and Max Weber—have grown steadilyin our own century. W. R. Inge, in his famous lecture-essay, "The Ideaof Progress," of 1920; the works of Henry and Brooks Adams, especiallythe latter's Law of Civilization and Decay; Georges Sorel, The Illusion of Progress; Austin Freeman, Social Decay and Regeneration; Spengler, Decline of the West; A.J. Toynbee, to very considerable degree, in his Study of History; Pitirim Sorokin, Social and Cultural Dynamics; Freud, Civilization and its Discontents—theseare but a few of the works which, building in effect upon the doubtsand disbeliefs of the nineteenth century figures I have cited, havegiven the intellectual atmosphere a darker and darker hue. True, thereis Teilhard de Chardin, the Roman Catholic scientist-philosopher who,almost alone, has given our century a systematic and complex, if notalways intelligible, philosophy of history based entirely upon theprinciple of everperfecting mankind. Not even Spencer outdid Teilhardin expression of long-run optimism. And, as I have noted, most, if notall, of those committed deeply to Marxism, are inextricably committedalso to a progressive view of the future. The idea of progress, inshort, lives: but precariously, so far as a growing number of people,intellectual and lay are concerned.

Authority structures tend to be more stable and effective control systemsthan power structures (Scott p.

Max weber essay - How to Write a Good Dissertation: …

Authority (Weber)

Weber proposed a three-part typology for authority:

Traditional Authority -- resting on the estabilished belief of sancitityof traditions and legitimacy of those exercising authority under them

Rational-legal authority -- resting on a belief of the legality ofpatterns of normative rules and the right of those elevated under thoserules to issue commands

Charismatic authority -- resting on devotion to sanctity, heroism,and character of a person, and the normative rules ordained by him or her.

Weber's view of bureaucracy was a system of power where leaders exercisecontrol over others -- a system based on discipline.

Max Weber’s Forms of Authority: Three Case Studies essay

China could not now be described in any way as a liberal democracy. At present, no more than 20 percent of its economy has been marketized, and most importantly it continues to be ruled by a self-appointed Communist party which has given no hint of wanting to devolve power. Deng has made none of Gorbachev's promises regarding democratization of the political system and there is no Chinese equivalent of glasnost. The Chinese leadership has in fact been much more circumspect in criticizing Mao and Maoism than Gorbachev with respect to Brezhnev and Stalin, and the regime continues to pay lip service to Marxism-Leninism as its ideological underpinning. But anyone familiar with the outlook and behavior of the new technocratic elite now governing China knows that Marxism and ideological principle have become virtually irrelevant as guides to policy, and that bourgeois consumerism has a real meaning in that country for the first time since the revolution. The various slowdowns in the pace of reform, the campaigns against "spiritual pollution" and crackdowns on political dissent are more properly seen as tactical adjustments made in the process of managing what is an extraordinarily difficult political transition. By ducking the question of political reform while putting the economy on a new footing, Deng has managed to avoid the breakdown of authority that has accompanied Gorbachev's . Yet the pull of the liberal idea continues to be very strong as economic power devolves and the economy becomes more open to the outside world. There are currently over 20,000 Chinese students studying in the U.S. and other Western countries, almost all of them the children of the Chinese elite. It is hard to believe that when they return home to run the country they will be content for China to be the only country in Asia unaffected by the larger democratizing trend. The student demonstrations in Beijing that broke out first in December 1986 and recurred recently on the occasion of Hu Yao-bang's death were only the beginning of what will inevitably be mounting pressure for change in the political system as well.