The Ethio-Eritrean Conflict: An Essay .

And finally, the conflict will almost certainly extract both Eritrea and Ethiopia from their involvement in the Congo where they had supported President Laurent-Désiré Kabila's rise to power in 1996-1997.[42]

The Ethio-Eritrean Conflict: An Essay in Interpretation

The Ethio-Eritrean Conflict: AnEssay in InterpretationWRITENETPrunier, Gerard

The Ethio-Eritrean conflict: Anessay in interpretation

[35] Given the higher standards of education of the Eritreo-Tigreans, they often filled important economic positions in Ethiopia itself where almost half a million lived before the May-June conflict. Over half of the small mechanical enterprises in Ethiopia, 95 per cent of the garages and 70 per cent of electric equipment companies belonged to Eritreans. (Information from Petroleum Transport Association of Ethiopia)

the ethio eritrean conflict an essay in interpretation

[20] , "The Ethio-Eritrean Conflict", No. 24 (August-September 1998). is the US-based newsletter of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). The Oromo, who want independence or at least a large amount of autonomy the Addis-Ababa government, remained neutral in the conflict.

04/12/2014 · The ethio eritrean conflict an essay in interpretation

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When it broke out in May 1998, the Ethio-Eritrean conflict surprised most observers because many circumstances seemed to favour good relations between the two countries.

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This is in many ways a correct analysis, but one stopping short of another comment which would include the OLF itself: attitudes towards the war were not dictated by "national" feeling of the kind, say, of the anti-German feeling in France in August 1914. The various Ethiopian political forces positioned themselves in relationship to the conflict according to their positions on internal politics. This fits within our analysis above: just as the war can be seen as a Tigrean civil war, it was perceived in Ethiopia not as a matter of "foreign conflict" but as a problem of domestic politics. And although the political scene in Eritrea is much more controlled than in Ethiopia, the same was in practice true. The demonstrations against "Ethiopian imperialism" which were staged in Asmara owed little to spontaneous popular feelings. But they nevertheless reflected a basic popular worry: would not "the Ethiopians" come back and try to reconquer their former province which had been independent for only five years? This worry was particularly strong among the Moslem lowlanders. They knew that they had been largely marginalized within the Christian-led PFDJ. To see that same PFDJ now fighting a war with its Christian cousins from Tigray, surely meant that the situation was indeed serious. This line of reasoning was extremely beneficial to the Eritrean Government which could thus rather cheaply buy a modicum of support from its largely alienated non-Tigrean Moslem population.[21]

The Ethio-Eritrean conflict was unusual in contemporary Africa in that it was a ..

Internet Responses to the Ethio-Eritrean Conflict

In the absence of tangible evidence and/or valid and verifiable information in regards to political issues, people tend to come up with their own interpretation and a significant number of Ethiopians have surmised that the Ethiopian government is ready to hand over Badme to Eritrea, and this conjecture of the Ethiopian observers is based on PM Haile-Mariam and Ato Abay’s assertions. And by default or by design, President Omar al- Bashir of Sudan made an official visit to Ethiopia on April 2, 2017, and among the many important issues that he discussed and exchanged with PM Haile-Mariam, he suggested that Eritrea be returned to the Horn of Africa regional organization, IGAD or Inter-Governmental Agency for Development; at the same time, Egyptian envoys have gone to Eritrea and had a stay with the Eritrean naval forces.

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Eritrean Conflict: An Essay in Interpretation"

As I have done in the past and underscored in my previous writings, I like to share with my fellow Ethiopians and the government officials (especially those who would represent Ethiopia in the peace negotiation) in Ethiopia what I have argued all along since 2000. My main concern is transparency and accountability in the policy making matrix and the peoples’ role and say in the decision making process. It is understandable that governments represent people especially in relatively democratic societies, but the government ought to inform the people and seek feedback from them long before any policy is implemented. In the context of this essay, thus, I want to stress that the Ethiopian government should not take any political measure in regards to the Ethiopian-Eritrean relations without the knowledge and endorsement of the people, and this rationale reminds me of a paper entitled A New Paradigm in Ethiopian Politics: A Discussion on what Ethiopians can do at this historical juncture to bring about change in Ethiopia that I contributed in 2008. Below is an excerpt of the article:

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(00) The topic of this brief deserves more research and more space to dojustice to it. This modest reflective essay is prompted by the current ominousevents with regard to “boundaries” swirling around The Hague, New York andEthiopia-Eritrea. It focuses, understandably, on making, unmaking and remakingof boundaries in the region. As fate would have it, this is now the fourth timein the last half-century that the United Nations Organization has been seizedwith crucial decision-making on territorial sovereignty issues involvingEthiopia. That historical fact itself points to a need to look at Ethiopia andthe UNO in perspective, as one contemplates what is in process currently.