This revolution was a major and radical change to America.

An excellent corrective to this exclusive concentration on thesubjective is the work of the most important political (as contrastedto ideological) historians of the pre-Revolutionary period. In thedefinitive history of the Stamp Act crisis of 1765–1766, Edmund andHelen Morgan demonstrated the majority nature of the revolutionarymovement. They attacked, as well, the actual depredations of GreatBritain on American political and economic rights. Edmund and HelenMorgan, The Stamp Act Crisis: Prologue to Revolution. Also see the companion source book of documents, Edmund S. Morgan, ed., Prologue to Revolution: Sources and Documents on the Stamp Act Crisis, 1764–1766.Particularly important is the monumental and definitive, though denselywritten, two volume political history of the coming of the AmericanRevolution by Bernhard Knollenberg, Origins of the American Revolution: 1759–1765; and Growth of the American Revolution, 1766–1775. Byexamining British archives, Knollenberg shows that the supposedparanoia and "conspiracy theories" of the American colonists were alltoo accurate. The British officials were indeed conspiring to invadethe liberties of the American colonies after the "salutary neglect" ofthe pre-1763 period.

This was fundamentally the cause of the American Revolution....

This paper will examine the specific causes and effects of the American Revolution....

The underlying causes of the American Revolution were deep seated.

———. "An Uneasy Connection: An Analysis of the Preconditions of the American Revolution." In Essays on the American Revolution. Edited by Kurtz and Hutson. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1973.

The American Revolution: A Radical Movement Essay - …

During the American Revolution the Hudson was a strategic waterway and the site of many historic events, especially in the region of Newburg and West Point.


FREE Was the American Revolution Revolutionary? Essay

Perhaps the most important controversy was on how radical and howrevolutionary were the nature and consequences of the AmericanRevolution. We have seen Robert R. Palmer's challenge to the consensusview in his monumental The Age of the Democratic Revolution. J. Franklin Jameson produced the classic Beardian view on the social radicalism of the American Revolution in The American Revolution Considered as a Social Movement.This thesis was attacked and seemingly refuted during the Consensusperiod of American historiography, particularly by Frederick B. Tolles,"The American Revolution Considered as a Social Movement: AReevaluation," American Historical Review, 55 (1954–1955); and by Clarence Ver Steeg, "The American Revolution Considered as an Economic Movement," Huntington Library Quarterly,20 (1957). But Robert A. Nisbet, in a brilliant article, has nowrehabilitated the thesis of the American Revolution as having radicalconsequences, not in a Beardian, but in a libertarian direction. In hisThe Social Impact of the Revolution, Nisbet shows that theRevolution had a radical libertarian impact on American society: inabolishing feudal land tenure, in establishing religious freedom, andin beginning the process of the abolition of slavery. Thus, to Bailyn'sinsight on the libertarian sources of the Revolution, Nisbet adds hisconclusion on its libertarian consequences.

Radicalism of the American Revolution

Bailyn, Bernard. "The Central Themes of the American Revolution: An Interpretation." In Essays on the American Revolution. Edited by S. Kurtz and J. Hutson. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1973.

Essays on American Revolution] 1172 ..

The American anti-war movement during the First World War must be remembered as much for its successes as its failures. History recalls the opposition to the American entry into the war as a stemming from the work of a few radicals and social activists. The civil libertarian principles of Roger Baldwin and his National Civil Liberties Bureau live on the in the work of the ACLU. Jane Addams’ pacifist stance and push for social reform helped pave the way for contemporary social workers. Eugene V. Debs’ now famous Canton, Ohio speech is held as a masterpiece of American civil disobedience. But this narrative of history, this cataloging of great leaders of the anti-war movement, ignores the everyday heroics of ordinary people in resisting American militarism. The working-class movement that opposed the war during the most repressive and dangerous times articulated a vision to not just stop the war, but to fundamentally restructure American society. The radical anti-militarist movement of 1917 to 1919, especially in Seattle, is arguably the closest the U.S. has come to mass, left wing revolution in the 20th century. In a time when the nation finds itself struggling find an end to the Global War on Terror and a growing military-industrial complex, it may be time to once again recall that old headline from a socialist daily – “You workers must end war, or war will end you.”

The Radical American Revolution - Anti Essays

This led to an unprecedented level of wartime repression of the IWW. In Seattle and the Pacific Northwest, meeting halls were destroyed, leaders imprisoned and foreign-born IWW members deported. This wartime repression of the IWW is chronicled in Albert Gunn’s book, Civil Liberties in Crisis: The Pacific Northwest, 1917-1940. In his study of IWW repression during the war, Gunn finds that during a six-month period from May 1st to November 1st 1918, the IWW was prosecuted more often than any other organization. The Seattle division of the American Protective League, a pro-war patriotic organization, brought 1,198 cases to trial on charges of “IWW agitation.” In Seattle, the effort to use the anti-radical wartime powers to eliminate the IWW involved nearly every part of city and state government, as well as vigilante organizations like the Minute Men. In the spring of 1918, the Minute Men assisted in arresting over 200 Wobblies who were then marked for deportation. Unlike the socialists or other radical groups targeted during the war, the Wobblies were systematical rooted out and targeted with exceptional charges. The result of these charges was often deportation and the dismantling of IWW meeting halls. As a result of such concentrated repression, the IWW emerged from the World War I irreparably damaged both as an organization and ideologically.